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Female and male trainees run during a bodyguard training program at the boot camp of Genghis Security Academy in Beijing, China. (Photo by ImagineChina/The Grosby Group)

Female and male trainees run during a bodyguard training program at the boot camp of Genghis Security Academy in Beijing, China. (Photo by ImagineChina/The Grosby Group)

Two key definitions: ego anxiety and discomfort anxiety.

To distinguish the two, Albert Ellis—founder of Rational Emotive Behavioral Therapy (REBT)—wrote in 2003:

Discomfort anxiety (DA) I define as emotional tension that results when people feel (1) that their comfort (or life) is threatened, (2) that they should or must get what they want (and should not or must not get what they don’t want), and (3) that it is awful or catastrophic (rather than merely inconvenient or disadvantageous) when they don’t get what they supposedly must.

Ego anxiety I define as emotional tension that results when people feel (1) that their self or personal worth is threatened, (2) that they should or must perform well and/or be approved by others, and (3) that it is awful or catastrophic when they don’t perform well and/or are not approved by others as supposedly should or must be.

Each is undergirded with a complex of shoulds and musts, and reinforced by magical thinking in the form conjecture about all the terrible things that might happen “if”.

Here’s the thing: it’s not the fact of these states, emotions, and thoughts that’s the problem. It’s our systematic avoidance of them that conditions us to see them as exactly that: a problem or a threat to the status quo.

The way out is the opposite of avoidance. Call it systematic exposure—and, in his Moral Letters to Lucilius, the Greek Stoic philosopher Seneca advises making a practice of it.

I am so firmly determined, however, to test the constancy of your mind that, drawing from the teachings of great men, I shall give you also a lesson: Set aside a certain number of days, during which you shall be content with the scantiest and cheapest fare, with coarse and rough dress, saying to yourself the while: “Is this the condition that I feared?”

It is precisely in times of immunity from care that the soul should toughen itself beforehand for occasions of greater stress, and it is while Fortune is kind that it should fortify itself against her violence. In days of peace the soldier performs manoeuvres, throws up earthworks with no enemy in sight, and wearies himself by gratuitous toil, in order that he may be equal to unavoidable toil. If you would not have a man flinch when the crisis comes, train him before it comes. Such is the course which those men have followed who, in their imitation of poverty, have every month come almost to want, that they might never recoil from what they had so often rehearsed.

Seneca insists that, should Lucilius practice facing the discomforts of poverty in times of abundance and comfort, he might effectively immunize himself against his own shame and fear in the harder times.

So whether it’s fear of poverty, cold, the disapproval of our family and community, or the pervasive fear of an enemy that has us in it’s grip, we, like Lucilius, have a choice: on the one hand, a path of increasing authenticity and freedom; on the other, a path of self-censorship, fear, and restricted options.

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From Asra Nomani’s “Islamic Bill of Rights for Women in the Bedroom” to the book that much-lauded author and public intellectual Christopher Hitchens called “my favorite book on Islam” (Ibn Warraq’s Why I Am Not a Muslim), their work is almost frighteningly cogent on the topic of Islamic reform. If you’re not familiar with their writing and discourse, I think you will find that these men and women do not hold comfortable or even familiar points of view on the topic.

In a world where both the right and the left are steadily embracing their own unique (and opposed) brands of regressive moralism, I tend to believe that it will be hard for most of us to hear—and to fully absorb—what these people are saying. Nonetheless, there is a kind of passionate political artwork here.

And this is history in the making.

They are the reformers. The ex-Muslims and Muslim liberals, seculars, creatives, activists, and scholars who have risked everything to do the work of restructuring Islam as a culture that can thrive and contribute in a progressive global society. And, in the shadow of the Orlando and Magnanville shootings, their writing, non-profits, think tanks, public speaking, classes, university departments, and causes all need our understanding, support, and protection now more than ever.

The short .pdf list that I’ve created and am posting today includes brief profiles on nine Islam reformers whose work has caught my eye. I hope the resource can serve as a guide and that the words and actions of these nine can help paint a picture of a world where peace actually stands a chance.

You can download my list of reformers and links to highlights from their CVs here. If you need more convincing, here is a selection of quotes from a few of the resources that I’ve chosen to feature:

Maajid Nawaz in response to the Orlando attacks…

Liberals who claim that this has nothing to do with Islam today are being as unhelpful and as ignorant as conservatives who claim that this represents all of Islam. The problem so obviously has something to do with Islam. That something is Islamism, or the desire to impose any version of Islam over any society. Jihadism is the attempt to do so by force. This ideology of Islamism has been rising almost unchecked among Muslims for decades. It is a theocratic ideology, and theocracy should no longer have any place in the world today.

From Asra Nomani’s “99 Precepts for Opening Hearts, Minds, and Doors in the Muslim World”…

  1. The Loving One. Live with an open heart to others.
  2. The Only One. We are all part of one global community.
  3. The One. All people – women and men, and people of all faiths, cultures, and identities – are created and exist as equals.
  4. The Self-Sufficient. All people – women and men, and people of all faiths, cultures, and identities – have a right to self-determination.
  5. The Creator of Good. All people have a human right to happiness.

Bassam Tibi in conversation with Ryan Mauro of the Clarion Project

There must be a real “war of ideas” that enlightens the distinction between Islamism and Islam and supports the school of enlightened Muslim thought in media and education.

Irshad Manji in Allah, Liberty and Love: The Courage to Reconcile Faith and Freedom

Offense is the price of diversity.

Some recent tweets from reformers on the list…

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Thanks for reading. You can download the guide (.pdf) here. Feel free to comment on Twitter or Facebook.

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Believe me, I’ve worked hard to stay away from political material. For most of my life, actually.

I’ve had my reasons but, in the days since the Orlando shooting, I’ve arrived at the belief that if I don’t say something sufficiently pointed about the problem of religious extremism, and make what case I can for the universality of liberal progressive values, I will not be doing everything in my power to end this nightmare.

I don’t know if this is the “right” move, and maybe I’ll decide against it further down the road but, as of now, this is where my head and heart are at. To my readers, that means I’ll be writing more openly, and posting more freely on Facebook and Twitter, about these topics.

For example, I recently asked a question on Facebook about what we can do as individuals to stop violence by radical Islamists:

Personally, I’ve come to believe that one of the most important social actions we can take at this moment in history is to support the work of liberal Muslims and Islam reformers. They who have risked everything to apostatize and to take a stance against the Islamic dark side.

Their stories are diverse, their strategies wide-ranging, and their lives are at risk. But they are the members of the global community closest to the issue, and they are working to the extent that they can within their communities to galvanize truly constructive change.

Reformer Ayaan Hirsi Ali writes:

Today, there are many dissidents who challenge Islam. Yet the West either ignores them or dismisses them as “not representative.” This is a grave mistake. Reformers such as Asra Nomani, Irshad Manji, Tawfiq Hamid, Maajid Nawaz, Zuhdi Jasser, Saleem Ahmed, Yunis Qandil, Seyran Ates, Bassam Tibi and Abd al-Hamid al-Ansari must be supported and protected. These reformers should be as well known in the West as Solzhenitsyn, Sakharov and Havel were generations earlier.

The purpose of this post and the one to follow, then, is to share the best resources I’ve found from the Islam reformers. Keep an eye out for my next post, which will elaborate on the contributions of a handful of these men and women.

After all, so much rides on the shoulders of these brave crusaders.

 

I love it when a piece of writing, audio, or video saves me a month’s worth of thinking. I love soaking up a piece that I can more or less graft onto my understanding of the world wholesale.

This sounds lazy, but it’s not.

Some ideas and their people are just plain smart and really do require no further analysis. This phenomenon is analogous to that rare piece of technology that is ready to use out of the box, completely intuitive, and immediately makes life 10x easier.

Thank G-d for smart people.

Molly Worthen’s recent New York Times piece, “Stop Saying ‘I Feel Like'” is one such piece (thank you, Molly). In it, she argues that increasing use of the phrase “I feel like” in place of “I think”, “I believe”, or “I reckon” is contributing to a stalemate in intellectual honesty.

In Politics and the English Language George Orwell wrote, “If thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought.” He went on to say:

A bad usage can spread by tradition and imitation even among people who should and do know better. The debased language that I have been discussing is in some ways very convenient. Phrases like a not unjustifiable assumption, leaves much to be desired, would serve no good purpose, a consideration which we should do well to bear in mind, are a continuous temptation, a packet of aspirins always at one’s elbow. Look back through this essay, and for certain you will find that I have again and again committed the very faults I am protesting against. By this morning’s post I have received a pamphlet dealing with conditions in Germany. The author tells me that he “felt impelled” to write it. I open it at random, and here is almost the first sentence I see: “[The Allies] have an opportunity not only of achieving a radical transformation of Germany’s social and political structure in such a way as to avoid a nationalistic reaction in Germany itself, but at the same time of laying the foundations of a co-operative and unified Europe.” You see, he “feels impelled” to write—feels, presumably, that he has something new to say—and yet his words, like cavalry horses answering the bugle, group themselves automatically into the familiar dreary pattern. This invasion of one’s mind by ready-made phrases (lay the foundations, achieve a radical transformation) can only be prevented if one is constantly on guard against them, and every such phrase anesthetizes a portion of one’s brain.

Next time you use such a phrase, feel a portion of your brain go to sleep. “I feel like” is an utterly ubiquitous phrase that, in a post-internet world, is being slung around like some designer opiate.

In the New York Times article, Worthen writes, “We should not ‘feel like’. We should argue rationally, feel deeply and take full responsibility for our interaction with the world.”

Here’s my take: change requires us to lock horns.

To the extent to which conflict cannot be engaged through conversation and communication, and to which our ability to communicate rationally, change and be changed by opposing ideas, withers, violence will increase in this world.

In an excruciating recent discussion with Omer Aziz, neuroscientist and new atheist philosopher Sam Harris said:

The reason I am having this conversation, is not just to deal with the topic of Islam and Islamism, and our disagreements here … I’m trying to have hard conversations like this because I find the inability of people to have their minds changed in real time … to admit that they were wrong in real time … That, I think, is actually the biggest social problem we have. It’s much bigger than the problem of Islam, or religion.

Two people have to be able to disagree and find some way of talking about that disagreement in a way that’s productive.

Linguistic smoke screens such as “I feel like” do not represent engagement, nor do they represent us having hard conversations. They are not even honest statements of intention.

Fear of rejection, or of retaliation, is rational in many cases. There are people in this world who will disagree and some who will do so violently. As I see it, the antidote can only be to bring your fear—to bring yourself—into your communications fully, authentically, with vulnerability.

And to watch the world transform around you.

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Read Molly Worthen’s full article below or scan for bolded/italicized highlights.

IN American politics, few forces are more powerful than a voter’s vague intuition. “I support Donald Trump because I feel like he is a doer,” a senior at the University of South Carolina told Cosmopolitan. “Personally, I feel like Bernie Sanders is too idealistic,” a Yale student explained to a reporter in Florida. At a Ted Cruz rally in Wisconsin in April, a Cruz fan declared, “I feel like I can trust that he will keep his promises.”

These people don’t think, believe or reckon. They “feel like.” Listen for this phrase and you’ll hear it everywhere, inside and outside politics. This reflex to hedge every statement as a feeling or a hunch is most common among millennials. But I hear it almost as often among Generation Xers and my own colleagues in academia. As in so many things, the young are early carriers of a broad cultural contagion.

The imperfect data that linguists have collected indicates that “I feel like” became more common toward the end of the last century. In North American English, it seems to have become a synonym for “I think” or “I believe” only in the last decade or so. Languages constantly evolve, and curmudgeons like me are always taking umbrage at some new idiom. But make no mistake: “I feel like” is not a harmless tic. George Orwell put the point simply: “If thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought.” The phrase says a great deal about our muddled ideas about reason, emotion and argument — a muddle that has political consequences.

George Orwell put the point simply: “If thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought.” The phrase says a great deal about our muddled ideas about reason, emotion and argument — a muddle that has political consequences.

Natasha Pangarkar, a senior at Williams College, hears “I feel like” “in the classroom on a daily basis,” she said. “When you use the phrase ‘I feel like,’ it gives you an out. You’re not stating a fact so much as giving an opinion,” she told me. “It’s an effort to make our ideas more palatable to the other person.”

The data suggests that young women use the phrase slightly more often than men, but in my own classes, male students begin almost every statement with “I feel like.” The gender gap is vanishing because the cultural roots of this linguistic shift were never primarily a consequence of gender.

Today’s college students have come of age in a time of growing diversity and political polarization. No one could blame them for wanting to back away from confrontation. “My generation, because we have more exposure to other people’s perspectives — anyone now with an Internet connection can post whatever they want online — in some ways we are probably more empathetic than the generations that came before us,” Ms. Pangarkar said. Yet all this equivocating has started to bother her, and now she avoids using the phrase. Jing Chai, a senior at the University of Chicago, said: “I’ve tried to check myself when I say that. I think it probably demeans the substance of what I’m trying to say.”

This linguistic hedging is particularly common at universities, where calls for trigger warnings and safe spaces may have eroded students’ inclination to assert or argue. It is safer to merely “feel.” Bradley Campbell, a sociologist at California State University, Los Angeles, was an author of an article about the shift on many campuses from a “culture of dignity,” which celebrates free speech, to a “culture of victimhood” marked by the assumption that “people are so fragile that they can’t hear something offensive,” he told me.

This linguistic hedging is particularly common at universities, where calls for trigger warnings and safe spaces may have eroded students’ inclination to assert or argue. It is safer to merely ‘feel.’

Yet here is the paradox: “I feel like” masquerades as a humble conversational offering, an invitation to share your feelings, too — but the phrase is an absolutist trump card. It halts argument in its tracks.

When people cite feelings or personal experience, “you can’t really refute them with logic, because that would imply they didn’t have that experience, or their experience is less valid,” Ms. Chai told me.

“It’s a way of deflecting, avoiding full engagement with another person or group,” Elisabeth Lasch-Quinn, a historian at Syracuse University, said, “because it puts a shield up immediately. You cannot disagree.”

Democracy is premised on civilized conflict. The greatest advance of the modern age has been our ability to argue about society’s most pressing questions without resorting to physical violence (most of the time). Yet the growing tyranny of feelings in the way Americans talk — about everything from how to fund public education to which presidential candidate to support — exerts a subtler kind of coercion on the public sphere.

Democracy is premised on civilized conflict. The greatest advance of the modern age has been our ability to argue about society’s most pressing questions without resorting to physical violence (most of the time).

The problem here is not the open discussion of emotions. Ancient philosophers ranging from Confucius to the Greek Stoics acknowledged the role that emotion plays in human reasoning. In the 1990s, after many years of studying patients with brain damage, the neuroscientist Antonio Damasio put forward a hypothesis that is now widely accepted: In a healthy brain, emotional input is a crucial part of reasoning and decision making.

So when I called Dr. Damasio, who teaches at the University of Southern California, I worried that he might strike down my humanistic observations with unflinching scientific objectivity. He didn’t — he hates the phrase as much as I do. He called it “bad usage” and “a sign of laziness in thinking,” not because it acknowledges the presence of emotion, but because it is an imprecise hedge that conceals more than it reveals. “It doesn’t follow that because you have doubts, or because something is tempered by a gut feeling, that you cannot make those distinctions as clear as possible,” he said.

This is what is most disturbing about “I feel like”: The phrase cripples our range of expression and flattens the complex role that emotions do play in our reasoning. It turns emotion into a cudgel that smashes the distinction — and even in our relativistic age, there remains a distinction — between evidence out in the world and internal sentiments known only to each of us.

This is what is most disturbing about “I feel like”: The phrase cripples our range of expression and flattens the complex role that emotions do play in our reasoning.

“This is speculative, but ‘I feel like’ fits with this general relativism run rampant,” Sally McConnell-Ginet, a linguist at Cornell, suggested. “There are different perspectives, but that doesn’t mean there are not some facts on the ground and things anchoring us.”

For decades, Americans have been in the process of abandoning both the moral strictures of religion and the Enlightenment quest for universal truth in favor of obsessing over their own internal states and well-being. In 1974, the sociologist Richard Sennett worried that “the more a person concentrates on feeling genuinely, rather on the objective content of what is felt, the more subjectivity becomes an end in itself, the less expressive he can be.”

This quest to understand and cope with our own feelings and desires — the current term of art is “self-care” — can lead to what the writer Christopher Lasch called “pseudo-self-awareness.” It can leave us too preoccupied with personal satisfaction to see the world clearly. “The new narcissist is haunted not by guilt but by anxiety,” Mr. Lasch wrote in his 1979 book “The Culture of Narcissism.” “He seeks not to inflict his own certainties on others but to find a meaning in life.”

In her 2001 book “Race Experts,” Dr. Lasch-Quinn (who is Christopher Lasch’s daughter) argued that the vogue for therapeutic self-help has steered the American left off course, encouraging well-meaning activists to push for sensitivity training seminars instead of real gains in racial and economic equality. The phrase “I feel like” is a mundane extension of this pattern, a means of avoiding rigorous debate over structures of society that are hard to change.

If our students have any hope of solving the problems for which trigger warnings and safe spaces are mere Band-Aids, they must reject this woolly way of speaking their minds. “Cultivating the art of conversation goes a long way toward correcting these things,” Dr. Lasch-Quinn said. “Instead of caricaturing someone who says ‘I feel like,’ we can say, what does it mean to say that instead of ‘I think?'”

“Cultivating the art of conversation goes a long way toward correcting these things,” Dr. Lasch-Quinn said. “Instead of caricaturing someone who says ‘I feel like,’ we can say, what does it mean to say that instead of ‘I think?'”

The more common “I feel like” becomes, the less importance we may attach to its literal meaning. “I feel like the emotions have long since been mostly bleached out of ‘feel that,'” said Mark Liberman, a linguist at the University of Pennsylvania. But when new verbal vices become old habits, their power to shape our thought does not diminish.

We should not “feel like.” We should argue rationally, feel deeply and take full responsibility for our interaction with the world.

Here’s a thought: do your absolute best and put things that you love out there without apology.

If this causes some temporary unpopularity with your peer group — if people dislike your work, unfollow you, run away screaming — SO BE IT.

This is always going to be a test of:

  • Who loves what you do?
  • Who appreciates your fearlessness?
  • Who’s got your back?

Be grateful whenever you get to find this out sooner than later.

Another way of saying this is: when you put a thing into the world with courage and vulnerability, let those who are repulsed by your audacity fall away.

Let them go.

And celebrate the fact that only your supporters, advocates, and defenders remain.